Schulze reaffirms on ZDF: No cooperation with AfD and Die Linke in Saxony-Anhalt

When Markus Lanz asked whether, in a tight scenario, he would also allow himself to be elected Minister-President with votes from Die Linke or the AfD, Schulze gave an evasive answer. He did not provide a concrete response to repeated follow-up questions about whether he would accept such an election or toleration. "Ich habe nicht vor, jetzt mich mit solchen Themen zu beschäftigen," he said with a view to the upcoming election.

Constitutional situation and deadlines

Schulze also warned of a blocked situation: "Ich bin ziemlich sicher, wenn es zu einer solchen Situation kommen würde, dass es aus der Mitte keine Mehrheit gibt, dann wird es wahrscheinlich über einen längeren Zeitraum erst mal keine Wahl des Ministerpräsidenten in Sachsen-Anhalt geben." The state's constitution does not set a deadline for the election of a Minister-President; the only requirement is that the newly elected state parliament must convene for the first time within 30 days after the election. An earlier deadline of 14 days after the constituent session was abolished with the 2020 parliamentary reform.

The background to the discussion is polling data in which the AfD in Saxony-Anhalt leads significantly with around 40 percent, ahead of the CDU with about 26 percent. The state election on September 6 is therefore considered a directional decision: Will a centrist coalition of CDU, SPD, FDP, and Greens be enough, or is a stalemate likely, in which only the AfD or Die Linke could secure the necessary majorities? Schulze announced: "Ich werde nicht zur AfD und nicht zur Linkspartei gehen und um Stimmen bitten."

Dispute over skilled workers and immigration

The show also addressed the shortage of skilled workers in Saxony-Anhalt. "Handelsblatt" journalist Martin Greive said: "Ohne Zuwanderung wird die Wirtschaft in Sachsen-Anhalt in den nächsten Jahren gar nicht funktionieren können." Many companies are already dependent on immigration from third countries today. Greive warned that otherwise, "deutsche Arbeitsplätze" would be endangered in large numbers. Schulze himself also spoke out clearly in favor of immigration of skilled workers from abroad.

This course drew criticism from the AfD's top candidate for the state election in Saxony-Anhalt, Ulrich Siegmund. He had previously explained on "Markus Lanz" that he primarily wanted to address the skilled labor shortage by recruiting well-qualified Germans currently living abroad back to the German labor market. Schulze was not convinced by this idea. The demographic development in Saxony-Anhalt is "relativ katastrophal," as the working-age population there is significantly smaller than in the west. In addition, only 83 percent of employed persons in the state work within the state itself, while the rest commute to other federal states.

Schulze accused the AfD and Siegmund in particular of praising key measures of the incumbent state government and wanting to continue them after an election victory, while never having supported them in the state parliament: "Aber im Landtag hat die AfD [diesen Maßnahmen] niemals zugestimmt. Die schreiben ganz viel auf und machen am Ende nichts und können es auch nicht umsetzen." For example, the AfD had said about a new type of school in the south of Saxony-Anhalt: "Wir finden das gut, wir unterstützen das. Die haben es immer abgelehnt."

Pressure from within the ranks

Journalist Sabine Rennefanz recalled in the broadcast precedents in which the CDU had already made decisions together with Die Linke: "Dieser Unvereinbarkeitsbeschluss, der steht natürlich offiziell." Rennefanz also pointed to programmatic differences: "Bei Migration und Sozialstaat sind wir weit auseinander." The question is whether the CDU in Saxony-Anhalt can still govern at all without Die Linke, given the polling numbers.

Schulze receives support for his course from within his own ranks, but also pressure. Former CDU state leaders Karl-Heinz Daehre and Gerd Gies warned in an open letter to Schulze that the CDU would "in der Bedeutungslosigkeit versinken" if it were not willing to compromise. "Es gibt zu uns keine Alternative, wenn man rechte Mehrheiten in Sachsen-Anhalt verhindern will," said Gies. Daehre added with a view to Die Linke: "Wir sind doch 1989 nicht auf die Straße gegangen, damit die Linken jetzt wieder an die Macht kommen." Both point to the "Magdeburger Modell," an SPD-led minority government from 1994 to 2002 in Saxony-Anhalt, which was tolerated by the PDS, the predecessor party of Die Linke.

Rennefanz formulated the AfD's position pointedly: "Die AfD will die CDU zerstören, die Linke nicht." At the same time, the AfD is publicly pressuring the Union: "Die Zweitstimme entscheidet über die Kräfteverhältnisse im Landtag und letztlich darüber, welche Regierung am Ende überhaupt möglich ist."

Incident involving the federal CDU

An incident that Schulze described on the show is also noteworthy. According to him, there was a call from the federal CDU's orbit in Magdeburg with the request: "Stimmt mal bitte nicht zu, passt gerade nicht zu uns." Schulze interpreted this as influence by the Berlin party headquarters on state political decisions – and implicitly positioned himself against it.

Political scientist Oliver Lembcke said with regard to the mood in the CDU: "Dass nur noch Koalitionen zwischen CDU und linken Parteien möglich scheinen, macht die Leute unzufrieden – auch in der CDU." Particularly in the eastern associations, there is a demand for "mehr Beinfreiheit vom Konrad-Adenauer-Haus." At the same time, the following holds true: "Jeder, der in der CDU ein wichtiges Amt innehat, hält sich an die Parteilinie, an die Brandmauer."

Debate about the "Brandmauer"

Lembcke pointed out that the AfD, as "Opportunisten … in der Industriepolitik zum Beispiel," could be capable of compromise with the CDU. "Sollten CDU und AfD in einem Land tatsächlich über eine Zusammenarbeit nachdenken, lägen sie bei Themen wie Russland, EU oder Nato natürlich weit auseinander … Aber Populisten wie die AfD sind eben auch Opportunisten und da wären Kompromisse möglich." Areas of overlap are also conceivable in the concept of "Heimat" in education policy and in the withdrawal of funding for disfavored associations.

AfD expert Benjamin Höhne told the "Tagesspiegel" that there have repeatedly been party-switchers in the history of the Federal Republic. "Dabei spielen längst nicht nur thematische Punkte eine Rolle, sondern auch Karriereambitionen oder die Aufrechterhaltung der eigenen politischen Erwerbsbiographie." Should the AfD moderate, "wie andere Rechtsaußenparteien in Europa, würde sicherlich mehr über Möglichkeiten und Grenzen einer Kooperation diskutiert werden." However, according to Höhne, the newly formed federal executive board of the party provides no concrete evidence of moderation by the AfD: Its thinking is no less extreme in substance, but it presents itself more professionally.

Movement at the party base

Concrete movement at the party base has already become visible. CDU district council president and state parliament member Thomas Diener announced roughly two weeks before the broadcast that he would leave the CDU and switch to the AfD. In addition, the CDU district association Harz in Saxony-Anhalt had demanded after the federal election that the incompatibility resolution against the AfD be lifted; however, the motion was ultimately watered down. In Brandenburg as well, members of the CDU Mittelstandsunion (medium-sized business association) had filed a motion to lift the "Brandmauer" against the AfD. The deputy chairman of the CDU Mittelstandsunion told the "Tagesspiegel" that the "Brandmauer" is wrong; in eastern Germany, one cannot exclude "30 bis 40 Prozent der Wähler."

The tone of the AfD differs regionally: While Saxony-Anhalt's top candidate Ulrich Siegmund strikes harsh tones, the AfD's top candidate in Mecklenburg-Vorpommern, Leif-Erik Holm, appears less radical. This contrast could also influence the question of a possible coalition after