Hungary's Parliament Removes President Sulyok from Office Through Constitutional Amendment

The constitutional amendment, which Magyar himself has called «Operation Fegefeuer,» goes far beyond the removal of Sulyok. It introduces term limits for prime ministers of a maximum of eight years, which under the so-called «Lex Orban» are to apply retroactively since 1990. Members of parliament may also in the future only sit for a maximum of twelve years – likewise retroactive to the first free election in 1990. According to reports, this would make around half of the current Fidesz faction, as well as party leader Orban, ineligible to run in four years.

Magyar's Justification: «Operation Fegefeuer»

Magyar justified the package in Monday's parliamentary debate with a clear mandate from the election: «Er habe mit dem überwältigenden Sieg ein Mandat zum Umbau dieses Systems, und dessen ‹Marionetten› hätten ihre Legitimität verloren.» It would be «ein Verrat an die ungarische Nation, die Verfassung nicht anzutasten,» he said. At the same time, he announced that the current amendment is a one-time adjustment to remedy an «untenable situation.» The government plans to draft an entirely new, broadly supported constitution.

Sulyok, a 70-year-old constitutional lawyer and confidant of Orban, was only elected to the highest state office in 2024 by the Fidesz majority and would have regularly resided in the Sándor Palace on Budapest's Castle Hill until 2029. He had already turned to the Venice Commission of the Council of Europe the previous week, whose delegation was a guest in Budapest at the beginning of July; an opinion has not yet been issued. Sulyok himself wrote that the removal of an incumbent president for purely political reasons was «ein in Europa beispielloser Akt» and violates the constitutional guarantees protecting the autonomy of the presidency.

Reactions: Criticism from Amnesty and Fidesz

Criticism of the move also came from independent quarters. The human rights organization Amnesty International said Sulyok was entitled to a fair process. Former Fidesz politicians also expressed reservations. Former European Affairs Minister Janos Boka acknowledged in an interview with the Hungarian foreign press that his party had itself «excessively» used its constitution-amending majority over the past sixteen years, but also warned against a wholesale «state takeover.» Fidesz faction leader Gulyas described the Tisza majority on Facebook as preparation for «der schändlichsten Parlamentsentscheidung der letzten 36 Jahre.»

The constitutional amendment also provides for the reintroduction of an age limit of 70 for judges of the Constitutional Court, which was abolished in 2013. The incumbent president of the court, Peter Polt, a former Fidesz politician who had already reached the age of 70 last year and will step down at the beginning of September, is affected by this. The provision clearly targets loyal followers of Orban in the judiciary.

Impact on the Judiciary and Corruption Investigations

Also part of the package is the creation of an asset recovery office that Magyar had announced at practically every campaign rally and which is intended to investigate the corruption of recent years. With this authority, the government obtains an instrument that could be used, among other things, to investigate the financial circumstances of former government members and officeholders.

Politically, Magyar currently stands on a stable foundation. Support for the Tisza Party has risen from 53 to over 70 percent since the election. On July 1, 2026, the head of government wrote on Twitter: «It is both unprecedented and deeply encouraging that a genuine sense of national unity has emerged, with three out of four Hungarians supporting the work of the TISZA government to build a functioning and humane country.» The removal of Sulyok also enjoys clear support among the population: just under 60 percent of citizens approve of it, and even more would like to see Orban held legally accountable, according to polls.

Mood in the Country: Support Above 70 Percent

How the constitutional transition procedurally unfolds now depends on Sulyok's next step. In Hungary, a law enters into force as soon as it is countersigned by the president; he has five days to do so. If Sulyok refuses to sign or refers the matter to the Constitutional Court on procedural grounds, the Tisza faction has the necessary majority to initiate impeachment proceedings against him. During such proceedings, the president's official duties would be suspended and transferred to Speaker of Parliament Ágnes Forsthoffer. In that case, Forsthoffer would countersign the constitutional reform instead of Sulyok; the incumbent president's mandate would expire the following day.

Magyar had already announced the scenario last Saturday. On Monday, he wrote on Facebook that Orban had instructed Sulyok not to sign the reform. Those who participate in «dunklen, verfassungswidrigen Handlungen» to block the will of the people will later bear responsibility. Magyar had already called on election night for Sulyok and other senior officials of the Orban era to resign by the end of May. The removal of Sulyok was one of the central campaign promises of the new prime minister.

Next Steps: Sulyok's Signature or Impeachment

Orban himself appeared combative on Monday. He declared that «die nun in Ungarn herrschende Willkür müsse gestoppt werden,» without personally going to demonstrate in front of the Sándor Palace. Fidesz had called a rally in support of Sulyok last Thursday that, according to reports, mobilized several thousand participants – the largest demonstration against the new government since the election. With the adoption of the reform on Monday, the political front between government and opposition is now constitutionally cemented.

Observers see the event as the provisional culmination of an unprecedented upheaval. As recently as last December, Orban, shortly before his foreseeable election defeat, had pushed through a provision requiring the Constitutional Court to decide on the removal of a president – an instrument that could now be turned against his own candidate. At the same time, a predecessor reform excluded substantive review of constitutional amendments by the court; it may only review the procedure. As a result, the room for judicial correction of the current reform is limited.

International Level: Venice Commission and Council of Europe

Internationally, the move is likely to send shockwaves. The Venice Commission's still-outstanding opinion is being awaited with anticipation, even though the Council of Europe has repeatedly criticized Hungary's course in the past. At the end of June, Magyar had stressed that it was «nicht angemessen, sich über den demokratischen Willen des Volkes und das Mandat hinwegzusetzen.» It remains unclear whether the approach now chosen – the removal of an incumbent president through a constitutional amendment with a two-thirds majority – meets European standards.

For Magyar, the reform package is the most important project of his young government to date. It bundles the break with the Orban era into a single vote: term limits for the executive and the legislature, the disempowerment of loyal judges, accountability for corruption, and the replacement of a president regarded as a symbol of the previous government. Upon entry into force of the 17th amendment to the Fundamental Law, which has been in force since 2012 as the «Fundamental Law» (Alaptörvény), Sulyok loses his office – provided he does not sign it himself, and it is countersigned via the detour of impeachment by Forsthoffer, with his mandate expiring the following day.